Scholars and students
of Islamic thought in the medieval period will be grateful for this latest collection of studies that enhances our understanding of the intellectual
history, the science, the theology and indeed the philosophy of the
post-Avicennan period. The papers originated in a conference hosted at Bar-Ilan
University and funded by the German Israel Foundation for Scientific
Cooperation back in 2005 (and given the time it often takes for volumes to
emerge from conferences this is indeed timely). After a short foreword by the
editor summarising the papers and their arguments, there are seventeen chapters
on a range of issues from the intellectual legacy of Avicenna through his
students to the reception of Avicennan ontology in the thought of the Safavid
thinker Mullā Ṣadrā Shīrāzī (d. 1635). The papers have been carefully and
masterfully edited and mistakes are few and far between (two obvious ones being
the continuous reference in the foreword to the name of one contributor Afifi
al-Akiti as al-Atiki, and Ali was the Prophet’s cousin and not his nephew).
The first chapter is
Ahmed al-Rahim’s useful study of the immediate disciples of Avicenna providing
us with a fuller historical contextualisation and bio-bibligraphies. An
appendix to it then considers Abū-l-ʿAbbās al-Lawkarī and Shams al-Dīn (or Sharaf
al-Dīn as the author cites him) al-Īlāqī (the former the subject of a couple of
serious and welcome articles by Roxanne Marcotte in recent years). Al-Rahim
shows how a school doctrine developed in this first generation and given the
significance of Bahmanyār for the later tradition as the representation of the
Avicennan school (as understood by Mullā Ṣadrā, for example, and Heidrun
Eichner in her recent habilitation
provides some evidence for why this is the case), the question remains to what
extent these figures perpetuated a doctrine or substantially revised and
presented it for posterity. There are a number of issues in metaphysics and
psychology where Bahmanyār’s concerns somewhat differ or make explicit points
in Avicenna such as the nature of the soul-body relationship, the exact significance
of the ‘flying man’ argument and the idea that existence is a scalar adjective
and a gradational reality (tashkīk
al-wujūd). Al-Rahim demonstrates the importance of these individuals in
perpetuating both the philosophical and medical legacies of Avicenna, although
it would have been useful to consider what sort of misunderstandings and
creative mistakes were involved in the development of the Avicennan school. But
perhaps that would be the subject of another article or indeed major monograph.
The next four
chapters concern perhaps the most significant medieval Muslim thinker Abū Ḥāmid
al-Ghazālī (d. 1111). Frank Griffel’s study of his cosmology in Mishkāt al-anwār contributes to the
debate over the real Ghazālī raised by Gairdner in his study of the same text.
Griffel shows successfully, and provides further evidence to Richard Frank’s
earlier arguments, that al-Ghazālī’s cosmology is broadly Avicennan and accepts
the notion of second causality through the creation of a mechanism that is the
first principle of the philosophers, the mutāʿ
of al-Ghazālī. Interesting, the use of the term suggests the almost demiurgic
creator of the Ismaili philosophers of the same period. Afifi al-Akiti’s study
that emerges from his much awaited D.Phil dissertation on the Maḍnūn corpus of al-Ghazālī provides
further evidence for the faylasūf. He
argues that al-Ghazālī presents philosophy in three different ways in Maqāṣid, Tahāfut and the Maḍnūn –
the former is plainly ‘ugly’, the middle text shows philosophy to be incorrect
or bad, while the latter reserves a good opinion. Of particular relevance is
Akiti’s suggestion that the Maḍnūn
was critical to the adoption of Avicennan ideas by the Ashʿarī theologians of
the medieval period. Binyamin Abrahamov’s article is about the reception of
al-Ghazālī in the thought of perhaps the most influential Sufi metaphysician
Ibn ʿArabī. He is concerned with the Sufi, and how arational arguments have an
important place in understanding and encountering God and reality for both
figures. Anna Akasoy’s paper is more wide-ranging and considers the critical
reception of al-Ghazālī in the West, especially Andalus with the circle of Abū
Bakr al-Ṭarṭūshī (d. 1126) and its influence on thinkers in the East after his
emigration to Alexandria. Akasoy’s paper is a good example of how intellectual
history ought to consider the migration of ideas and their market in the
medieval Islamic world. It also shows the importance of the influence of ideas
from Andalus on some eminent theologians in the East especially Ibn Taymiyya
and the common point of attack on al-Ghazālī for mixing Sufism and philosophy
and their concomitant doctrines of monism and the eternity of the cosmos.
The next two chapters
shift to the significant thinker Ibn Kammūna (d. 1284), who is often described
as a disciple of the doctrine of Suhrawardī (d. 1191). Heidrun Eichner studies
the chapter on existence in al-Jadid
fī-l-ḥikma of Ibn Kammūna to provide further evidence for the argument that
the medieval Islamic approach to metaphysics was marked by a Rāzīan synthesis,
and that al-Mulakhkhaṣ of Fakhr
al-Dīn al-Rāzī was a pivotal text that drew upon al-Taḥṣīl of Bahmanyār and defined metaphysics and the study of
ontology for generations to come well into the Safavid period. She also shows
that in effect that existence centred metaphysics that one encounters in Mullā Ṣadrā
already has important precedents in Ibn Kammūna. Lukas Muehlethaler considers
the reception of Avicennan’s flying man argument in Ibn Kammūna and drawing
upon versions found in the works of Suhrawardī concludes that the argument is
not only a thought experiment but constitutes for Ibn Kammūna a valid form of
syllogistic reasoning. This is another careful textual study of the Uṣūl, a commentary on al-Ishārāt wa-l-tanbīhāt of Avicenna,
and al-Tanqīḥāt, a commentary on al-Talwīḥāt of Suhrawardī.
The next two chapters
continue the theme of the reception of Avicenna. Syamsuddin Arif’s study of
Sayf al-Dīn al-Āmidī (d. 1233), better known as a jurist and theoretician of
the Law, focuses on his philosophical oeuvre, especially al-Nūr al-bāhir which is much neglected. Arif therefore introduces
us to another Avicennan who one needs to take into consideration when composing
a fuller intellectual history of the Avicennan school. Nahyan Fancy’s
contribution examines how the physician Ibn al-Nafīs (d. 1288) encountered and
modified the famous philosophical parable Ḥayy ibn Yaqẓān written by both
Avicenna and Ibn Ṭufayl. Taking as the case study the nature of the soul, Fancy
provides further evidence for what Michot has termed the ‘pandémie avicennienne’ of the medieval Islamic thought. David
Burrell’s brief paper on Mullā Ṣadrā’s reception of Avicenna and Suhrawardī is
based on his work in progress on the first section of al-Asfār al-arbaʿa. It engages with Mullā Ṣadrā’s critique of the
position that Avicenna articulated considering existence as an accident of
essence, and argues for a simple solution through a comparison with Aquinas
(although it is worth pointing out that Fazlur Rahman provided two useful
solutions to the problem in articles published in 1958 and 1981).
Robert Wisnovsky’s chapter on perfect and
imperfect syllogisms and Sari Nusseibeh’s return to the question of God’s
knowledge brings us back to Avicenna himself. The next set of chapters turns to
science. Leigh Chipman considers the nature of medicine as a discipline by
examining Quṭb al-Dīn al-Shīrāzī’s reception of Avicenna’s Canon in his al-Tuḥfa al-Saʿdiyya. Jamil Ragep
considers the Avicennan legacy in astronomy through a study of his disciple
al-Juzjānī’s short work. Robert Morrison turns to a significant theme of the
relationship between philosophy and science and shows that abiding relevance of
philosophy for astronomers.
The final two chapters concern the Jewish
reception of Avicenna. Stephen Harvey’s chapter is a cursory survey of the
influence of Avicenna’s terminology and the Maimonidean tradition. The final
chapter by Paul Fenton looks more carefully at the influence on Maimonidean works
by taking the example of the nature of the soul and the problem of
metempsychosis. He shows how these Jewish writings bear the influence of
Avicenna’s own critique of the idea that a single soul can inhabit more than
one body.
Overall, Avicenna
and His Legacy is a welcome contribution to our understanding of Islamic
intellectual history and the course of philosophy and science in the period
from the eleventh to the seventeenth century, the ‘golden age’ as Dimitri Gutas
put it (and in fact his article and postulation of this age looms behind the
whole volume). But one wonders where the anti-Avicennans and those whose view
of metaphysics and science was radically different fit. That would be the
subject of an entirely different volume but worth considering. Thinkers did not
fail to exhibit the influence of Avicenna even where they disagreed vehemently
with him (one thinks especially of Mullā Ṣadrā), but a fuller intellectual
history of what happened in the period between 1100 and 1700 would have to
examine those thinkers – and realise that one does not restrict the
anti-Avicennan camp to Suhrawardī and his followers.
beautiful stuff, please keep posting intellectual content like this ...I appreciate it. If you dont mind I could use permission to borrow content as well. In these times we direly need to assess and find the Classical Islam. Thank You ..so very much.
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