You cannot judge a book by
its cover – or even its title. Or rather, now and then, a work comes along that
forces us to take notice of what the author means by giving his work a
particular title. Certainly, those who pick up The Story of Islamic Philosophy might expect a conventional history
of the philosophical endeavour in the world of Islam starting with the translation
movement and the appropriation of Aristotelianism and ending with the ‘eclipse’
of ‘rational discourse’ in medieval mysticism and obscurantism. However, what Salman Bashier presents is Platonic mysticism with a strong interest in narrative. The study of
philosophy in Islam is rather polarised: the traditional academic field of
‘Arabic philosophy’ starts with the Graeco-Arabica and is very much in the
mould of understanding what the Arabs owed to the Greeks and then what the
Latins owed the Arabs. It is a story of Aristotle arabus and then latinus,
and hence it is not surprising that the story culminates with the ultimate
Aristotelian, Averroes. Many an Arab intellectual, such as the late Muḥammad
ʿĀbid al-Jābirī, has been sympathetic to such a reading and wishes to revive a
sort of Averroist Aristotelianism in the name of reason and enlightenment, in
particular to save the Arab-Islamic heritage from its ‘perversion’ by the
Persians starting with Avicenna and Ghazālī who initiated the shift from reason
and discourse to mystagogy and ‘unreason’. The models for this tradition of
philosophy are the Metaphysics and
the Organon of Aristotle. However,
the Greek heritage was always much more than Aristotle – Plato and the
thoroughly neoplatonised Aristotle were critical. If anything, a serious
historical engagement with the course of philosophy in late antiquity on the
cusp of the emergence of Islam demonstrates that philosophy was much more than
abstract reasoning, discourse and a linearity of proof. Philosophy was a way of
life that involved spiritual exercises, made famous in modern scholarship by
the late Pierre Hadot, and especially the practice of theurgy (conjuring up the
gods in religious ritual as a means to achievement understanding) – the goal
was theosis, to become god-like as
Plato had announced centuries before. Those with more sympathy for ‘Islamic
philosophy’ would stress the relationship between religion and philosophy and
indeed mysticism, which was central to the philosophical enterprise at least
since the twelfth century (which in many ways was pivotal for the intellectual
disciplines in the world of Islam). For this approach to philosophy, Plato’s
much debated Seventh Epistle is of
critical importance. This counter-narrative makes our conception of philosophy
more elastic and sits uncomfortably with those trained in the analytic
tradition.
Bashier tries to argue
that philosophy in Islam is not a simple dichotomy between ratiocination and
poesis – but he wishes to stress the poetry, the narrative and the desire to
consider what is ‘Islamic’ in this philosophy. He presents a counter history in
which the course of philosophy is an ishrāqī – an illuminationist – account beginning with what the late Henry Corbin
famously called the visionary recitals in Avicenna and culminating with the
Andalusian Sufi Ibn ʿArabī. Anyone familiar with philosophy from the late
Timurid and Mughal period will understand the incorporation of Sufism into the
study of philosophy, which in this late period was no longer the
Greek/Aristotle inspired falsafa but
a more holistic philosophy/gnosis/wisdom of ḥikma.
This account is concerned with a more holistic approach to what is means to be
human – and philosophy is precisely such an anthropology. Humans are not simply
rational and deliberate agents who construct and respond to discursive argumentation.
Rather, sometimes they reason, sometimes they respond and act through emotion,
and sometimes they are inspired and moved by narrative – and indeed narrative
as a number of modern philosophers such as the late Paul Ricoeur have argued is
central to the process of our becoming our selves. The ten chapters of the book
focus on Ḥayy bin Yaqẓān, the famous tale re-written by Ibn Ṭufayl based on the
original work of Avicenna in which a young man is born and grows up on a desert
island and deprived of company begins to understand his role in the cosmos and
his relationship with God. Bashier considers Ibn Ṭufayl to be the ultimate
liminal and illuminationist philosopher because he successfully blends together
philosophical and naturalistic approaches to the question of what is the human
with traditionalist and religious ones. This idea of liminality follows from
Bashier’s earlier book on the concept of the limit (or the barzakh) in the thought of the Sufi Ibn ʿArabī. The course of
philosophy in Islam is therefore not about the conflict between reason and
revelation seen as epitomised in the persecutions of Galileo and Bruno in
medieval Europe but one at the heart of which lies the attempt to make
philosophical sense of what it means to be a believer, a person of faith and a
creature of God. Along the journey, the author is the first, to my mind, to
engage with the work of Georges Tarabishi, the famous critic of al-Jabiri’s
deconstruction of ‘Arab reason’ in an academic work written in English. That
Bashier concludes his account with Ibn ʿArabī and the famous Theologia Aristotelis makes his
neoplatonic taste in the history of philosophy clearer. The story begins with
mysticising rationalism in Ibn Ṭufayl and culminates with rationalising
mysticism in Ibn ʿArabī.
The
first chapter introduces Ḥayy bin Yaqẓān and demonstrates how the narrative is a rational
argument for mysticism, drawing upon Avicenna. In doing so, Bashier critiques
Gutas and others who insist not only on making a sharp distinction between
philosophy and mysticism but also deny any role for mysticism in Avicenna.
Similarly, here he inserts Ṭarābīshī as a foil for al-Jābirī’s attack on
mysticism as the perverting force in Arab reason in the medieval period. The
second chapter turns to Sufism in the text and draws upon Ghazālī’s
categorisation of knowledge and the privileging of illumination through
experience of tasting reality. The next chapter switches back to Ḥayy’s origins
within the chain of being and links it to Ibn ʿArabī’s concept of the barzakh. The next two chapters examine
how Ḥayy understands social interaction and reflects upon the primordial
question of the origins of the cosmos and its eternity. Chapter six steps back
to al-Fārābī and his discussion of the origins of language and logic in Kitāb al-Ḥurūf and links it to Ḥayy’s
acquaintance with language. The next chapter considers another foil for the
argument: Ibn Bājja. Chapters eight and nine are concerned with the quest: Ibn Ṭufayl
links Ḥayy to the Sleepers of the Cave and to Moses, from where Bashier draws
upon the parable of the sage and the seeker exemplified in the Qurʾanic story
of al-Khaḍir, naturally leading onto one of the foundational narratives of the
Near East: the epic of Gilgamesh. The final chapter culminates in Ibn ʿArabī
and Bashier recognises parallels and echoes of the Theologia Aristotelis in al-Futūḥāt
al-Makkīya.
However, while a more
neoplatonic approach to the course of philosophy in Islam is now rather well
established, it would seem churlish to criticise the author for excessively
caricaturising the purely Aristotelian sense of philosophy in the falsafa tradition. It does need to be pointed out that Bashier seems to have a slightly shaky grasp of the literature on the Aristotelian/Avicennan tradition and hence often cites inferior editions of texts. Many of the chapters are rather too short and while one detects the stream of thinking linking them, at times the connection seems somewhat tenuous and insufficiently substantiated. In a sense,
Bashier is engaged in much more than Islamic intellectual history (or rather a stream of consciousness reflection on what philosophy might mean through such a Platonic lens); he is caught
within a contemporary Arab debate about the very nature of turāth or the heritage of the modern Arab world. That, rather
inevitably, leads to generalising and simplifying the position of ones’
opponent. Once one recognises this, The
Story of Islamic Philosophy will prove to be a fruitful read.
4 comments:
how long do you think muslim thinkers will keep writings these narratives and counter-narattives about the history of philosophy in Islam, or what philosophy really means, or about the relation between mysticism and philosphy, and etc and etc? iow, when will they actually start doing philosophy?
i mean, of what relevance is it whether or not mysticism and etc was practiced or included in the life of the islamic philosophers? in what substantial way does any of that affect whether or they actuall spoke the truth about fundemental matters, whether or not they go things right?
There are plenty of possible responses - but problematising the categories that we use through a thorough historical approach is essential to understanding the discipline in which we are engaged. And no one argues that leading academics who engage in historical questions are not philosophers. So the simple response is to refer to Alasdair MacIntyre's approach to the study of ethics.
essential to what discipline though? the of (islamic) philosophy? sure, i don't deny that. but what i'm submit is that that approach is accidental to doing philosophy proper. here's a concrete example: take Wysnowsky's article on Avicenna in the Cambridge companion to Arabic philosophy.
he there gives a seemingly good historical account of some of Avicenna's key doctrines, plotting both the sources that influenced him and his influence on the later tradition of thinkers, etc. all that is good scholarship, fine. but how is that helpful in anyway in judging the truth of these Avicennian doctrines which he historisizes? for that, one would have to go to the actual texts and analyze the actual arguments there for why e.g., essence and existence are distinct, the soul is immortal, and etc. tracing the historical sources and influences which lead Avicenna to develop these doctrines can in no way answer this, in my view, more important question. and answering it (and the like questions) is what philosophy, not its history, consists in.
to snonymous
you wonder when muslim thinkers will stop writing narratives and start doing philosophy. I am afraid you need to give it a seconf thought. You assume that some philosophers perhaps some western philosophers have actually started what you wish muslim thinkers have not. I am afraid that if you read between the lines of the author's book as I do you might have justified reasons why to really hate his book, because he seems to think that no one has really started doing philsophy in western thought to compare muslim thinkers with him or her. And the author seems after all to be one of those who have failed to do that. But at least he has the courage to say it and by the way also Socrates and not many others had this courage. The only difference and it may be after all a big one is that he does not have capacities that a plato or aristotle or a plotinus or several others for that matter had....that is all but the courage is there no doubt
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