Friday, November 23, 2007

Making Ghazali Relevant

The Ghazali debate continues to rage and the arguments between Richard Frank (Ghazali was an Avicennan really) and Michael Marmura among others (the Ashʿarī school was a broad church) go back and forth. Moosa has shifted the parameters of this debate by tackling the wider question of the cultural significance of Ghazali particularly for contemporary Muslims.
Arguably for the best part of a century, but certainly for the past couple of decades, the fertile field of Ghazālī studies has been embroiled in a debate over the true nature of the ‘most prominent Muslim after Muḥammad’. Abā Ḥāmid al-Ghazālī (d. 1111, one of the easiest dates in Islamic history to remember), as practically all good students of Islamic civilization know, was the most important Sunni Ashʿarī theologian of the medieval period, who, by virtue of also being a Sufi, effected the reconciliation of the Sufi path to the Sunni creed. A defender of ‘orthodoxy’, he condemned Shiʿi heretics (Ismailis) in his Faḍāʾiḥ al-Bāṭinīya and anathemized philosophers in Tahāfut al-falāsifa for holding three key heretical doctrines: the co-eternity of the cosmos with God, the denial of God’s knowledge of particulars, the denial of (the Qurʾanic account of) bodily resurrection. However, some specialists (especially Richard Frank) have argued that the systematic influence of Avicennan philosophy upon Ghazālī made him a philosopher foremost; the impact of Avicennan cosmology, prophetology and indeed psychology is quite clear in Mishkāt al-anwār and his magnum opus Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm al-dīn.[1] Jules Janssens has even argued that there is plenty of evidence to suggest that the Tahāfut should not be read as an anti-Avicennan text.[2] These scholars have argued that there are systematic ambivalences in Ghazālī that result from his attempt at reconciling contradictory epistemologies and modes of inquiry (Avicennan philosophy, Sufism, Ashʿarī theology) designed for different readerships.
A prominent South African Muslim intellectual, Moosa engages with the ongoing debate about the ‘true nature’ of al-Ghazālī and offers a ‘dialogical encounter with perhaps the most influential intellectual in the Muslim tradition’. Being at the forefront of engaged and committed scholarship on Islam with a keen present-mindedness concerned with the state of Islam, Moosa argues for the contemporary engagement and revitalization of the Islamic tradition through the reconciliatory hermeneutics of liminality advocated by Ghazālī in the quest for a new Muslim subjectivity that allows for different responses to paradigms, reconciling traditionalist Islamic scholarship with contemporary contexts and awareness. Ghazālī & the Poetics of Imagination is to an extent an extension of Ghazālī’s own rhetoric deployed by a figure who considers himself as playing a Ghazālī-like role, communicating and interpreting the Islamic tradition for the contemporary culture of metropolitan academe.
The structure of the book itself is a circle with stages of liminality, a central theme. Mirroring Ghazālī’s own journey from doubt and self-reflection on method to the certainties of esoteric knowledge (through both Sufism and philosophy), Moosa takes us through a series of chapters from the ‘Agonistics of the Self’ through to the ‘Technologies of the Self’, culminating, once self-knowledge is no longer dubitable, in epistemic encounters with others. The result is far more than just an intellectual biography of Ghazālī for the present age. Moosa’s aim is to pursue ‘a line of thought about the aesthetics of imagining religion’ (p. 29). Moosa’s dialogue with Ghazālī is animated by the relationship between knowledge and subjectivity, exemplified in the notion and metaphor of the threshold (dihlīz), a liminal space that eschews medians in favour of violating antinomies.
The function of the introduction is to provide the contexts for this journey. Two of these are historically contingent: the intellectual culture of the Islamic Persianate world of the eleventh century, and Ghazālī’s own self-conception and criticism of self and others exemplified in his famous ‘confession’ al-Munqidh min al-ḍalāl. A further historical context is the impact of Ghazālī; as Moosa says, ‘a cursory survey will show that the Muslim tradition is saturated with Ghazālī’s traces’ (p. 12). It is significant that he writes ‘Muslim’ and not Sunni; traditionalists grudgingly conceded his scholarship and Shiʿi thinkers such as the Safavid duo of Mullā Ṣadrā (d. c. 1635) and his student Muḥsin Fayḍ-i Kāshānī (d. 1679) were indebted to his thought. Finally, three further contexts are deeply contemporary: the academic reception of Ghazālī beginning with Orientalist polemics that considered him to be a renegade and thoroughly confused and culminating with the debate on his relationship with philosophy; the contemporary Islam debate between neo-traditionalists such as Hamza Yusuf Hanson and Abdal Hakim Winter who champion him as an exemplar and Salafī excoriators who dismiss Ghazālī’s scholarship as ‘so many inauthentic and fabricated’ ḥadīth; and the concern among contemporary Arab and Muslim thinkers for philosophy and the distaste for Ghazālī as the destroyer of the rational tradition. For Moosa, Ghazālī is all and none of these. The real task is to see how one can use him to do the imaginative and liminal work of tradition in a time of intellectual and cultural crisis. The present troubles are not the first to face Islamic civilization; Moosa seeks a genealogy of the past to help the present navigate an intellectual path with the critical assistance of a dialogue with Ghazālī.
Moosa has trained in two pedagogical systems: the South Asian Sunni madrasa and metropolitan academe. As a hybrid intellectual, he merges the two; the contribution of the present book lies especially in his careful attention both to metropolitan (read: Anglophone) academic scholarship and Muslim writings on Ghazālī in Arabic, Persian Urdu and other vernaculars. The dual inheritance accounts for the mixed theoretical approach in Chapter 1 on the ‘Agonistics of the self’. The Qurʾan as well as Lévi-Strauss account for the notion of ‘bricolage’: Ghazālī acted through different interpretations, concurrently, concomitantly, without seeking a ‘higher synthesis’. Moosa quotes Ibn Rushd’s famous quip that Ghazālī was an Ashʿarī with theologians, a mystic with Sufis and a philosopher with philosophers (p. 39), not by way of condemnation but to assert a rejection of formalism and the constraints of a singular tradition. The second key theoretical notion of ‘poiesis’ (whence the phrase in the title of the book, ‘the poetics of imagination’) derives from the Aristotelian tradition: poiesis is the art of acting and reflecting, of constructing narratives of ideas, insights and anecdotes. The third notion is that of the liminal threshold, dihlīz, the in-between space in Ghazālī’s imagination and in the imagining of Ghazālī, inside and outside. The fourth concept is the agonistic dialogue that he sees at the heart of Ghazālī: the present’s struggle with the tradition through heteroglossia, the privileging of context over text that he draws from Bakhtin. Finally, we have tradition caught between ‘orthodoxy’, ‘ossification’, ‘pluralistic iteration’ and the present, and here we see the influence of Alisdair MacIntyre, Talal Asad and others. Tradition has a genealogy of performance, of critical questioning centred on the study of texts; it is not the repetition or rehearsal of old forms. Being faithful to tradition therefore involves acts of imitation, questioning and interpretation. As these involve texts, Moosa appropriately concludes the introduction and moves onto the following chapters that enact these imitations, interrogations and interpretations of texts.
Chapter 2 on the ‘Narrativity of the Self’ proposes that Ghazālī’s lasting contribution was welding together rational ideas with poetic imagination. Drawing upon ʿAbd al-Qāhir al-Jurjānī, Derrida, and Richard Kearney among others, Moosa argues that the concept of the threshold allows one to understand the poetics of al-Munqidh, between the person and his narration. Narratives legitimise, express, bear testimony to and reveal the Self and its engagements.
Chapter 3 continues the interrogation of the narrative by considering the ‘Poetics of Memory and Writing’, drawing upon Derrida and the uses of Derrida by Arkoun in particular to deconstruct logocentrism. Traditional Muslim pedagogy, and indeed most medieval pedagogy, privileges memory and the ‘living book’ of the scholar-teacher over the inscribed text.[3] The oral has authority; but the written can be heterologous, ambiguous and therapeutic. The written text can also be a weapon wielded against the heterodox to dissolve uncertainty and doubt and was used by Ghazālī on behalf of the Sunni consensus of the caliphate against its detractors.
Chapter 4 on ‘Liminality and Exile’ is pivotal as it argues that inner belief has justification and authority. Like Abraham, one ought to heed the voice within even if it means becoming a stranger to the world. This may account, for example, for work like Mishkāt that seem to defy the official discourse of other works and represent an all too blatant flirtation, even liaison with Neoplatonism. The stranger in the midst justified by mystical insight becomes a subversive figure.
Chapter 5 on the ‘Grammar of the Self’ is about the imagining of knowledge and the encounter with Truth. Liminal intellectual practice was necessary to society but could not forgo truth; people had to have confidence in the role of the intellect. Just as philosophers may question the very notion of truth, many of them recognise that we would find it difficult to live without a concept of ‘truthfulness’. In particular, this chapter is concerned with Ghazālī’s critique of the theological tradition of kalām, a defence of ‘truth’ that was often just mere polemics. Knowledge and interpretation needed to be rooted in truth; superfluous and deracinated interpretation was meaningless (p. 163). At least at this level, Ghazālī could not be accused of being a Postmodernist avant la lettre.
Chapter 6 on the ‘Metaphysics of belief’ engages with Ghazālī and the question of philosophy. The trouble with philosophy was that it was deliciously enticing but misleading for the ordinary people while being food for thought for intellectuals. His seeming inconsistency on philosophy was a recognition of the different needs for social cohesion and its intellectual corroboration through theology and the intellectual desire to pursue truth; the liminal space between is where one finds Ghazālī.
Chapter 7 on ‘Dilemmas of anathema and heresy’ shifts to Ghazālī’s defence of orthodoxy. Recent works, including Sherman Jackson’s interpretation of Fayṣal al-tafriqa bayn al-Islām wa-l-zandaqa have argued that Ghazālī provides a useful model for tolerance in Islam, a hermeneutics of acceptance.[4] Common rational standard allow for a definition of tolerance. Ghazālī’s minimalist definition of faith eschews sectarian polemics and is especially appropriate in the present. However, Moosa is correct to point out that his writings in the service of the ʿAbbasid caliphate, works in political theology seem to obstruct his desire for intellectual pluralism. He did anathemize the Ismailis and the Avicennan philosophers (one wonders at what level this may have been self-anathemization, at the very least in the latter case?).
Chapter 8 on the ‘Hermeneutics of the Self’ is concerned with the ethics and exemplary conduct of the self through the Iḥyāʾ ʿulūm al-dīn, a work designed to construct the ethical subject, a self that is at once autonomous and heteronomous.
Chapter 9 on the ‘Technologies of the Self’ turns to self-transformation through the ‘alchemy of the law’ and through Sufism. As such it represents the culmination of the journey through Ghazālī and structurally once again in its affirmation of Sufism mirrors al-Munqidh. Self-knowledge of a sound human subject is the key medium, the liminal space between the self and others. The Conclusion on ‘Knowledge of strangers’ thus comes full circle. The dihlīz-ian, exilic space is precisely the location from which the Muslim intellectual should speak. The conclusion allows Moosa to complete his musings on the present and bring to the fore the main point about the role and responsibility of the Muslim intellectual in the present: ‘the contemporary relevance of Ghazālī to Muslim thought lies precisely in his critical engagement with tradition, but more specifically in the way in which he modified, adjusted, recalibrated, amended and supplemented the intellectual tradition’ (p. 269). Of critical importance for Moosa is the need for one to discuss the Muslim intellectual tradition in the present: it should not be a mere curiosity for antiquarians in the way in which the study of much ‘Arabic philosophy’ has become. Nor should it be static or inert.
Ghazālī & the Poetics of Imagination is an exciting and ambitious work. It is also deeply textual and traditional. No doubt an unconventional study of Ghazālī (and in details there are many issues of contention that specialists will raise), it has much to offer and is an exemplar of the work of a committed and engaged Muslim intellectual. If Moosa’s book facilitates our thinking of the Muslim intellectual tradition in the present, it will have been successful.


[1] Hermann Landolt, “Ghazali and ‘Religionswissenschaft’: Some Notes on the Mishkāt al-Anwār for Professor Charles J. Adams”, Asiatische Studien (Etudes asiatiques) 45, no. 1(1991): 1–72; Richard Frank, Creation and the Cosmic System: al-Ghazâlî and Avicenna (Heidelberg: Carl Winter, 1992), and al-Ghazālī and the Ashʿarite School (Durham: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); Frank Griffel,Al-Ghazālī’s concept of Prophecy: The Introduction of Avicennan Psychology into Ashʿarite Theology”, Arabic Science and Philosophy 14 (2004): 101–144.
[2] Jules Janssens, “Al-Ghazālī’s Tahāfut: Is it really a rejection of Ibn Sīnā’s philosophy?” Journal of Islamic Studies 12 (2001): 1–17.
[3] Mary Carruthers’ illuminating study The Book of Memory (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990) makes this case for medieval scholarly culture in which a written text was merely an ‘aide-mémoire’.
[4] Sherman A. Jackson, On the Boundaries of Theological Tolerance in Islam (Karachi: Oxford University Press, 2002).

Thursday, November 22, 2007

An interesting Heidegger quotation

The context for the use of this quotation was my musings on whether there is such a thing as Islamic philosophy and even Shi'i philosophy. So I came across this quotation from Heidegger's classic An Introduction to Metaphysics:


A ‘Christian philosophy’ is a round square and a misunderstanding. There is, to be sure, a thinking and questioning elaboration of the world of Christian experience, i.e, of faith. That is theology. Only epochs which no longer fully believe in the true greatness of the task of theology arrive at the disastrous notion that philosophy can help provide a refurbished theology if not a substitute fort theology, which will satisfy the needs of the time. For the original Christian faith philosophy is foolishness. To philosophise is to ask ‘why are there beings rather than nothing?’ Really to ask the question signifies: a daring attempt to fathom this unfathomable question by disclosing what it summons us to ask, to push our questioning to the very end. Where such an attempt occurs there is philosophy.[1]



[1] Martin Heidegger, An Introduction to Metaphysics, tr. R. Manheim, New Haven, CT.: Yale University Press, 1959, 7-8.

Friday, October 12, 2007

More on the Raza Library

Apart from the catalogues that are printed (the Persian ones from the mid-90s are more up to date, the Arabic are from the 60s so quite dated), there is a handlist (unpublished) of new acquisitions. Since we know that many manuscripts have ben acquired from personal libraries, it is well worth asking Dr Islahi to look at these. This is of particular importance for mss of a Lucknowi provenance as even the old famed Nasiriyya seems to have been sold off/plundered/squandered (choose according to way you see it).

The printed books collection in the Rampur Raza Library is also valuable with a good selection of philosophy and theology (the madaris in Rampur supported by the nawabs endorsed the 'rationalist' dars-i nizami curriculum). Apart from the obvious (Fārābī, Ibn Sīnā, Ghazālī, Rāzī, Abūʾl-Barakāt, Shīrāzī etc, and logic texts), here is a list of what I found to be worth consulting with call numbers:

القبسات (مع: صحيفة القدس ص2-65

أثولوجيا ص158-323

الإيقاظات ص66-148

رسالة في التوفيق بين امذهب أرسطاطاليس وأفلاطون الإلهي بحدوث العالم ص 149-157

خلسة الملكوت) شماره 43 موجودات خ2033م

طهران 1315

التنبيهات في مبحث التشكيك في الماهيّات لشيخ ولي الله بن حبيب الله بن محب الله لكهنوي متوفي 1270 شماره 8 موجودات 3777م

1251ه لكهنو

الجواهر الغاليّة في الحكمة المتعالية لشيخ عبد الحق بن فضل الحق بن فضل إمام عمري خيرآبادي متوفي 1316 شماره 12 موجودات 2668م

1302ه رامبور

حاشية صدرا لشيخ ولي الله بن حبيب الله أنصاري فرنكي محلي متوفي 1270

شماره 13 موجودات 3725

1303 1885 نول كشور لكهنو

حاشية الفخر (السمّاكي) على الميبدي

شماره 15 موجودات 2160

كنز العلوم لكهنو

الأسفار الأربعة – إيران شماره 16 موجودات 1196م

الحكمة اليمانيّة في المعارف الإيمانيّة لشيخ أبي الحسن محمد المدعو بعبد العزيز الأمروهوي الحنفي

شماره 17 موجودات 365

1303ه رضوي دهلي

أيضاً شماره 74 موجودات 20497

الشمس البازغة لمحمود جونفوري (مع:

الدوحة الميّدة في حقيقة الصورة والمادّة ص20

رسالة في تحقيق الكلي الطبيعي ص21-31)

شماره 37 موجودات 4808م

شرح الهداية لصدرا (مع :

فائدة في بيان الحركة الجوهريّة لميرزا أبي الحسن ص 274-280

رسالة في التشكيك لميرزا رفيع الدين حسيبي ص 363-368

رسالة في بيان النفس كل القوى لشيخ آغا علي ص 380-382

رسالة في بيان ربط الحادث والقديم لميرزا أبي الحسن ص374-380

رسالة فس تحقيق الأسفار الأربعة لميرزا ضياء إصفهاني ص394-396 و397-398

شماره 34 موجودات خ2061م

1313ه طهران

شرح الهداية شماره 32 موجودات 4974

1302ه كانبور

أيضاً – شماره 33 موجودات 7919م لكهنو مع بحر العلوم

شوكة الحواشي على صدرا لشيخ تراب علي بن شجاعت علي لكهنوي متوفي 1291

شماره 38 موجودات 8197م لكهنو 1258ه

كاشف الظلمة في أقساك الحكمة لشيخ عبد الحليم بن أمين الله لكهنوي متوفي 1285

شماره 44 موجودات 7898م لكهنو 1272

الهدية السعيدية في الحكمة الطبيعية لفضل إمام خيرآبادي

شماره 62 موجودات 6943م

لكهنو 1283ه

أيضاً – شماره 65 موجودات 10727 كانبور 1292ه مع تعايقات سيد ساطان حسن بريلوي وسعد الله مرادآبادي

الهدية على الهدية لشيخ عبدالحق بن فضل الحق بن فضل إمام

شماره 66 موجودات 1427

1320ه رامبور

رسالة في الأمور العامّة لسيد كرامت علي

لكهنو

شماره 76 موجودات 27930

حاشية بحر العلوم على صدرا

لكهنو

شماره 82 موجودات 265889

Wednesday, October 10, 2007

Manuscripts in India

It is becoming easier to access the Islamic intellectual heritage in manuscript (although some libraries particularly private and waqfi ones still pose challenges) and online resources and digitisation are helping. India has treasure troves all over the country; the Union government is currently undertaking a massive manuscript survey to produce a Union catalogue and eventually allow digital access to the millions of codices in various languages.
Alongside the existing survey of Indian libraries in the al-Furqan World Heritage Survey edited by Geoffrey Roper, Omar Khalidi produced a document that was published in MELA Notes 72-73, Spring 2002-2003.
Two of the most important libraries recognised by the Union government's manuscripts survey are:
Raza Library in Rampur, UP - an excellent and valuable collection set in the old palace Hamid Manzil in the walled Qila area of this small old nawabi town some 180 km from Delhi. The library is run by a truly remarkable retired ASI officer Dr Waqar Siddiqui, a man of impeccable old-style Lucknowi manners. Visiting scholars can stay at the guesthouse in the adjoining Rang Mahal (the former zenana). Access does require some pestering of the librairian Dr Abu Sad Islahi but it is easy enough. Copies require permission and especially full codices require special clearance.
Khuda Bakhsh Library in Patna, Bihar - another valuable collection set in old Azimabad in Patna. The website has the catalogue in pdfs available. The director Dr Imtiaz Ahmed is very approachable and helpful and CD copies of codies can be made.
One 'clearing-house' of microfilms taken from around India is the Noor Microfilm Centre in the Khana-yi Farhang in New Delhi. Established by Dr Mehdi Khajeh-Piri, it has an enviable collection which is fully catalogued (and these catalogues are printed). I obtained some copies of works from the Azad Library at Aligarh Muslim University and from the private collection of the Raja of Mahmudabad from them earlier. The CD copies are perfectly usable - perhaps not as detailed and user-friendly as the digital CDs produced at the Suleymaniye in Istanbul but adequate with 3 folios taken as one frame.

Sunday, October 7, 2007

Fath Allah Shirazi I

I'm currently researching intellectual traditions 'migrating' from Iran to India and producing the hybrid intellectual culture of the Deccan and Mughal North India in the early modern period. A pioneering figure in this movement was the Shirazi philosopher and administrator Fath Allah Shirazi. This is the first in a series of sets of notes on him:

Mīr Fatḥ Allāh b. Shukr Allāh Shīrāzī (d. 1589): Avicenna of India?

The mythical status of Mīr Fatḥ Allāh, a Shirazi emigrant to India, in the Mughal period is immense. Numerous works, of an academic and popular nature, stress his role as the foremost philosopher and scientist of his time in the Persianate world, and attribute to him a series of important technological innovations, reforms of the administration (including the adoption of Persian as the official language of the chancellery) and the madrasa curriculum, and as the main conduit for the serious study of philosophy and theology in India, laying the foundations for the 18th century curriculum dars-i niẓāmī that emphasised the study of the intellectual disciplines (ʽulūm ʽaqliyya). It is common, therefore, for intellectual historians of Islamic thought in India to trace a lineage from Shīrāzī (and indeed from the ishrāqī Avicennan tradition that he inherited) to the ‘founder of the dars-i niẓāmī’, Mullā Niẓām al-Dīn Sihālvī Farangī-Maḥallī (d. 1161/1748).[1]

Shīrāzī is praised in the biographical literature by friend and foe; the universal approval reflects his significant political status at the court of Akbar (r. 1556–1605). The arch Sunnī theologian at court, Mullā ʽAbd al-Qādir Badāyūnī, who rarely spared an opportunity to criticise and attack the Shiʽi notables at court, provided the following biographical sketch:

Mīr Fatḥ Allāh Shīrāzī was one of the sayyids of Shiraz and the most knowledgeable of the ʽulema of his time. He spent some time in the service of the rulers and notables of Fars. He was well versed in all the rational sciences such as philosophy (ḥikmat), astronomy (hayʾat), geometry, astrology, geomancy (ramal), arithmetic, preparation of talismans, white magic, and weights and balances (jarr-i athqāl). He was so adept that when the Emperor demanded one of him, he would draw up an astronomical table. He was equally skilled in Arabic grammar, the traditions of the Prophet, Qurʾanic exegesis, and philosophical theology and he has excellent works, but not equal to those of Mīrzā-Jān Shīrāzī (d. 995/1587) who was foremost in his age, a pious and unique teacher in Transoxiana. While Mīr Fatḥ Allāh was extremely courteous, good-mannered and cultured in court gatherings, as soon as he was busy in his classes in times with his students, nothing but obscenities, vulgar talk and mockery issued from his tongue, and because of this aspect, few people came to his class, and he barely had any students. He spent some years in the Deccan whose ruler ʽĀdil Khān [ʽAlī ʽĀdil Shāh] was fond of him. When he came into the service of the empire, he was given the title of Aḍūd al-Mulk. He passed away in Kashmir in 997 H and is buried in a place that is known as Takht-i Sulaymān. The chronogram of his death was: ‘He was an angel’.[2]

His friend Abūʾl-Fażl wrote:

He was so learned that if all the previous books of philosophy disappeared, he could have laid a new foundation for knowledge and would not have desired what had preceded.[3]

Another contemporary and an official historian at court, Khwāja Niẓām al-Dīn Aḥmad Bakhshī (d. 1594) wrote:

He was superior to all the ʽulema of Persia, Iraq and India in his knowledge of the scriptural and intellectual sciences. Among his contemporaries, he had no equal. He was an expert in the occult sciences including the preparation of talismans and white magic.[4]



[1] Muḥammad Riżā Anṣārī Farangī-Maḥallī, Bānī-yi dars-i Niẓāmī, Lucknow: Farangī-Maḥall Kitāb-ghar, 1973, 42: Mullā Muḥammad Niẓām al-Dīn Sihālvī (d. 1161/1748) – his father, Mullā Quṭb al-Dīn Sihālvī (d. 1121/1710) – Mullā Dāniyāl Chawrāsī – ʽAbd al-Salām Dewī (d. 1039/1629) – ʽAbd al-Salām Lāhūrī (d. 1037/1627) – Mīr Fatḥ Allāh Shīrāzī (d. 997/1589) – Jamāl al-Dīn Maḥmūd Shīrāzī – Jalāl al-Dīn Davānī (d. 1502) – Muḥyī al-Dīn Kūshktārī – Khwāja Ḥasan Shāh Baqqāl – Sharīf ʽAlī Jurjānī (d. 816/1413) – Mubārak-Shāh Bukhārī (d. 740/1340) – Quṭb al-Dīn Rāzī Taḥtānī (d. 766/1364). One could continue this lineage to Avicenna in the following manner: Taḥtānī – the eminent Shiʽi theologian ʽAllāma Ibn Muṭahhar al-Ḥillī (d. 725/1325) – his teacher the Shiʽi theologian, philosopher and scientist Khwāja Naṣīr al-Dīn Muḥammad Ṭūsī (d. 1274).

[2] ʽAbd al-Qādir Badāyūnī, Muntakhab al-tavārīkh, ed. Maulvī Aḥmad ʽAlī et al, rpt., Tehran: Anjuman-i āthār va mafākhir-i farhangī, 1379 Sh/2000, III, 105. Cf. S.A.A. Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual History of the Isnā ʾAsharī Shīʾīs in India, Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1986, II, 196–7.

[3] Abūʾl-Fażl ʽAllāmī, Akbarnāma, III, 401; cf. Rizvi, A Socio-Intellectual History, II, 197.

[4] Niẓām al-Dīn Bakhshī, Ṭabaqāt-i Akbarī, tr. B. De, Calcutta: The Asiatic Society, 1927–29, II, p. 357.

Sufism and Deconstruction

Sounds rather specious? Well read on...

Ian Almond, Sufism and Deconstruction: A Comparative Study of Derrida and Ibn ‘Arabi. London: Routledge, 2004. vii + 166 pp. £ 60.00


The intersection of deconstructive strategies for reading literary texts and the creative (indeed radical) hermeneutics (to borrow Jack Caputo’s phrase) of contemporary theology is becoming the mainstay of an exciting developing in thinking about the nature of God and religious texts. Caputo, Jean-Luc Marion and other eminent Catholic thinkers have already begin the process of juxtaposing the hermeneutical and heuristic insights of Jacques Derrida (and other post-Nietzschean and post-Heideggerian thinkers) with foundational scriptural texts and their pre-modern interpreters. In particular, there has been a notable tendency to compare medieval mystics and their playful usage and deconstruction of language with Derridean dissemination and difference.

The present work under review turns the deconstructive gaze towards the pre-eminent medieval Andalusian Sufi Ibn ‘Arabi (d. 1240) and attempts a critical comparison of his thought with Derrida’s on key issues such as the critique of hegemonic reason, the aporetic value of perplexity, the hermeneutics of the text and secrets of uncovering mystery. As befits a teacher of English literature, Almond’s work is directed towards specialists in literature and literary theory who are increasingly aware in the tradition of Caputo et al of the ‘religious turn’ of Derrida. The work thus focuses on one aspect of the intersection of Sufism and deconstruction and thus renders the main title is bit misleading. Almond links the analyses of Meister Eckhart and medieval mystics present in Derrida’s work with the interpretative strategies of Ibn ‘Arabi, especially since he describes Ibn ‘Arabi as the Muslim Meister Eckhart. He is not the first to notice the possible ‘deconstructive’ elements of the Sufi’s thought; in a work entitled Allah Transcendent: Studies in the Structure and Semiotics of Islamic Philosophy, Theology and Cosmology published in 1989, Ian Netton argued that Ibn ‘Arabi’s theological discourse and hermeneutics of the text is entirely reminiscent of a post-structuralist, deconstructionist reading. The excitement which non-specialists from theology and literature (and even some generally interested observers and practitioners of ‘spirituality’) exhibit towards Ibn ‘Arabi, whose work and studies on them are increasingly available in English and other European languages is reminiscent of the popular appeal of the Persian Sufi poet Jalal al-Din Rumi (d. 1274) in versions by Coleman Barks. Almond’s work is far more esoteric. Drawing upon the excellent scholarship of Ibn ‘Arabi specialists such as William Chittick, he attempts to reach out to new readerships and present Sufi thought beyond the rather restricted intellectual ghetto of Islamic Studies. For those of us who do work within that ghetto, attempt to reach out to our wider disciplinary fields is more than welcome as such moves demonstrate the disciplinary contributions that our work can make. Not for Almond the traditionalism and hesitancy to juxtapose Ibn ‘Arabi, a figure from the 12th and 13th centuries with modern thinkers. The charge of incommensurability and anachronism is pre-empted and discarded.

There is little point in quibbling about details, lack of linearity, selectivity and the oblivion of key aspects of Ibn ‘Arabi’s thought since they go against the grain of the Derridean approach which deliberately violates such barriers. Intentionalist, positivist, conventionalist and historicist scholars will probably be appalled by the method in this book. But that is what makes it potentially exciting and interesting, allowing for historical figures to emerge out of antiquarian interest into living dialogic relationship in contemporary academic fields of religious studies, literary studies and philosophy.

Chapter 1 allies Derrida’s critique of logocentrism and the myth of reason’s rule with Ibn ‘Arabi’s critical stance on the use of ratiocination and philosophical argument. Difference and the Sufi Real are related as similarly elusive notions. But the fleeting nature of definition and the incapacity of human attempts at ‘restricting the Real’ do not amount to any rejection. Admittedly Ibn ‘Arabi’s metaphysics is quite distinct from Aristotelianism. Nevertheless, ontological foundations and commitments are not eschewed, somewhat in the same manner of a critique of Derrida that would pose his explicit rejection of metaphysics to be in itself a ‘metaphysics in reverse’.

Chapter 2 plays on the double sense of the term confusion, a dissipation of meaning as well as the coming together of two flows. Bewilderment is a good thing. But again one wonders whether Ibn ‘Arabi’s sense of perplexity has more in common with the Socratic aporetic than with Derrida’s transgression against the linear clarity of the metaphysical tradition. The ultimate aim for Ibn ‘Arabi does indeed remain gnosis; his method is, to use the title of Chittick’s first famous work on him, the path of knowledge, which must necessarily begin with ignorance and confusion and lead to knowledge even if that is reversed in the notion of the docta ignorantia of the Neoplatonic tradition. Locating Ibn ‘Arabi within this tradition would provide at times for a more fruitful comparison given the works already dedicated to an application of Derrida to Neoplatonisms.

Chapter 3 moves onto the infinite textuality and the lack of closure in the text. However, multiple meaning still require some ethics of interpretation as well as a discussion of how and who may interpret and what their limits are. The inherent elitism of Ibn ‘Arabi (and of Derrida) cannot allow for a free infinitude of meanings.

Chapter 4 examines secrets, dissemination and disclosure. Unveiling meanings, esoteric readings of the text and rending the veil of mystery are common themes of Sufi hermeneutics and Almond could have made a greater contribution by locating Ibn ‘Arabic within the wider tendency. The conclusion ends with a consideration of how both Derrida and Ibn ‘Arabi herald the end of the subject, the death of the author and the dissonance between ‘God’ and the ‘Real’. Their strategies do indeed force us to think carefully and to revise our conceptual schemes. Other potential themes that Almond could have addressed but did not could include a study of the notion of the apocalyptic.

Traditional historians of religion and especially specialists on Ibn ‘Arabi will probably not like this book; it is often too far removed from the text and contexts of the Sufi’s work. Nevertheless, this is a challenging and interesting attempt at communicating Ibn ‘Arabi’s ideas through the prism of Derrida to a wider audience who would neither read the original or the studies of Chittick et al. For this, Almond ought to be encouraged.

[PS I will be posting a review of his latest work The New Orientalists soon]

Plato and Aristotle in Agreement?

Islamic philosophy in the classical period emerged from the late antique Neoplatonic consensus that confined philosophical authority to Aristotle and Plato and sought to reconcile their methods and doctrines. The review below engages with new insights on the formation of this tradition of rconciliation and addresses my interest in ancient and late antique philosophy and their Islamic calques.

Here is my review of a revised Oxford DPhil by George E. Karamanolis, Plato and Aristotle in Agreement? Platonists on Aristotle From Antiochus to Porphyry (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006). Here is another review by Lloyd Gerson. He has recently written a book arguing for a re-assessment of Aristotle as a Platonist.

The Neoplatonic project in Late Antiquity was defined by the attempt to harmonize the teachings and philosophy of Plato and Aristotle. Inherited by early Muslim philosophers, harmonization was enthusiastically championed by al-Farabi in his Reconciliation of the Opinions of the Two Philosophers. (Neo)Platonic pseudo-epigraphica attributed to Aristotle such as the famous Theology of Aristotle further bolstered the harmonizing tendency that was carried through into Latin scholasticism. The modern academic study of ancient and late antique philosophy on the other hand has tended to be somewhat hostile to harmonization and assumed that it rested purely on historical accidents and mistakes. More recently, however, the interest in Neoplatonism has led to a reconsideration of the question of harmonization. Lloyd Gerson, one of the foremost champions and specialists on Neoplatonism has argued in a recent book Aristotle and Other Platonists (Cornell University Press, 2005) that the project of harmonization actually began with Aristotle who himself was a Platonist. The Middle Platonist and Neoplatonist thinkers who often wrote commentaries on Aristotle were not misguided. Karamanolis’s book, a revised version of his Oxford D.Phil, continues this tendency by considering the evidence in the thought of a number of Middle Platonists such as Antiochus of Ascalon (d. c. 68 BCE), Plutarch of Chaeronea (d. c. 125), Ammonius Saccas (3rd century, Plotinus’ teacher), Numenius (2nd century), and Atticus (2nd century), and Neoplatonists such as Porphyry (d. c. 305 C.E.) and Plotinus (d. 270) for and against harmonization. It is a useful companion piece that corroborates much of Gerson’s argument. The problem, however, is that often for many Middle Platonists, there is scant textual evidence to consider.

Karamanolis’ book is divided into seven chapters, one each on thinkers from Antiochus to Porphyry. The longest and most significant chapter in the study, unsurprising given the extensive textual evidence and significance of the figure articulated for example in the Eisagoge and in the commentary on the Categories, is on Porphyry. As he argues, extant commentaries on Aristotle after 300 are all Platonist (p. 1). The systematic writing on commentaries on the Stagirite is thus seen as evidence for the project of harmonization. The role of the works of Aristotle in the Neoplatonic curriculum confirms the view that he was seen as part of the Platonic school. What is more interesting, although it does not play a significant role in the argument, is the Peripatetic agreement on harmony; thinkers such as Aristocles of Messene were harmonists (pp. 36ff). But it seems that whereas later Platonists tended to see the study of Aristotle, particularly of the organon as a propaedeutic to the study of the ‘higher wisdom’ of Plato, Peripatetics reversed the order of study. Of course, all this begs the question: what does one understand by Platonism? Was it a coherent school? Could Aristotle have been a Platonist without adhering to the theory of Forms, for example? Did Plato and Aristotle both adhere to a coherent and systematic philosophy? For example, can the Platonic dialogues as a whole be considered as a corpus proposing a philosophical system? Platonists tended to read Plato’s dialogues as articulations of theory; Karamanolis, on the other hand, argues that, ‘Plato’s thought is elusive, if one confines oneself to the dialogues, since they do not offer us direct expressions of his views’ (p. 9).

Antiochus was the first important harmonizer. He was a pivotal figure for two reasons; as Karamanolis says, he was the last Platonist to continue the Hellenistic concern with ethics in particular, but also the first to insist upon the value of Aristotle as a means for accessing Plato. Antiochus’ project of harmonization is even more wide ranging because he considered the Stoic tradition to be broadly Platonic (p. 51ff).

The chapter on Plutarch shifts the interest to metaphysics. Plutarch’s emphasis on the aporetic nature of Plato’s philosophy was linked to elements of skepticism in Aristotelian dialectic. He considered Aristotle to be a communicator of Plato’s ideas. For example, Aristotelian hylomorphism proposes that knowledge pertains to forms, which at one level may be associated with Platonic forms; whether those forms are transcendent or not is a different matter that would not violate Platonism. Generations of philosophy students have wondered how Aristotle’s universals really differ from Platonic forms.

Three fairly short chapters follow on Numenius, Atticus and Ammonius Sacca, no doubt mainly because we know so little about them; very little has survived. The latter is important particularly as the teacher of Plotinus and seems to have been famous as an ‘arch-harmonizer’. This does not really put him at odds with Plotinus. The chapter that follows on Plotinus seems somewhat conflicted between the Peripatetic influence and material in the Enneads and Plotinus’ fluent and regular criticisms of Aristotle. One of the basic problems of the schemata of school traditions is that a school is not usually so much a body of doctrine but often more an interpretative community that coalesces around particular texts and textual hermeneutics.

The final chapter on Porphyry is the most extensive discussion of harmonization. Karamanolis begins with a discussion of the two texts that Porphyry is supposed to have written on the question of harmonization: On the Harmony of Plato and Aristotle, and On the Disagreement of Plato and Aristotle. Even the latter text seems to have been in a harmonizing vein; one thinks of the parallel with al-Farabi’s Reconciliation and his separate works on the Philosophy of Plato and on the Philosophy of Aristotle. Difference did not lead to hostility to Aristotle (p. 253). It merely indicated distinct perspectives defined by different aetiological approaches to events, for example. A classic example is the difference on the nature of the soul as the entelechy of the body. Later in the Muslim period, in the Theology of Aristotle, one encounters differing views on the nature of the soul as entelechy reflecting Platonic, Aristotelian and arguably Porphyrian perspectives especially in the first chapter (mimar). It was Porphyry’s harmonization that determined the project of late Neoplatonism.

Karamanolis’ book is a welcome and scholarly contribution that addresses the question of what one understands by Platonism. The textual argument is further supported by two appendices on Platonic works and extensive scholarly notes and textual discussions. While it is not as accessible or perhaps influential as Gerson’s book, it is remain an indispensable and useful complement to it.